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Können intelligente Eltern dumme Kinder bekommen o. T.
Beiträge: 13
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Zugriffe: 636 / Heute: 1
Oder ist das ein Widerspruch?
brudini
brudini
Dipl. Dolmetscherin... sonst noch fragen???
HURRA HURRA HURRA!!!
aber ein guter!
Gruss
der mit dem Grinch......
aber ein guter!
Gruss
der mit dem Grinch......
has any effect at all (mozart effect... ;-)))
kinder können sich eben die eltern nicht heraussuchen.....
(und umgekehrt)
A brief discussion on the nature of intelligence; the difficulty in defining intelligence; the roles inheritance and environment play in the development in intelligence with particular reference to the work of Gleitman (1995) and McCall & Rossiger (1993).
Intelligence
Intelligence is a difficult thing to define. As Henry Gleitman points out, we tend to have an intuitive understanding of what intelligence is - we're capable of distinguishing smart people from dim people (Gleitman 1995). However a more concrete definition has yet to be agreed upon by the psychological community. This essay will focus on some indicators of intelligence, the development of intelligence in children and adults, and most importantly the roles inheritance and environment play in that development.
Most physical biological attributes of a population of living beings have a central tendency. That is, they have an average around which scores cluster, dropping off in frequency on either side. A good example of this is height and weight. Height is affected by a variety of variables including heritage, diet and general health. For example, a child whose parents are both tall may not necessarily grow up to be tall if he or she is not kept healthy and well fed. It may be that intelligence follows a similar pattern, one in which heritage and environment play key roles.
The extent to which heritage and environment affect the development of intelligence is unclear. It is generally agreed that both play some role (Gleitman 1995), however how these roles are weighted and at what stage of development each is most important is not clear. Mental testing of infants, children and adults may help to clarify these roles.
A common measure of intelligence is the Intelligence Quotient, or IQ test. Originally developed by Francis Galton and Theophile Simon it was designed to measure a child's mental advancement against the child's chronological age and the average advancement of other children. While it does give a reasonable picture of a child's current development, it may not be a useful tool for predicting the IQ of the child later in life. There are several reasons for this.
First is that the test itself can be culturally biased. Cultural considerations must be made when administering the test to someone who is not from the culture the test was originally written for. Poorer socio-economic groups, migrants and even people who are unfamiliar with tests in general may have difficulty gaining a score that truly reflects their intellectual ability.
Secondly, the original formula for calculating IQ - that of Mental Age over Chronological Age times one hundred - leads to a steady decline in IQ once an average level of mental development has been reached. Some simple weighting for age in the calculations can easily rectify this.
Thirdly, the test is not much use in determining the mental ability of subjects who display extraordinary ability in one field while possessing perfectly ordinary - or even retarded - development in others. One example is the so-called "idiot savant". While Galton and Simon's theory on intelligence originally explained it in terms of differing cognitive "tools", these distinctions do not come across in a test with a single number as the result (Gleitman 1995).
More evidence that intelligence may be more variable than a single underlying factor (originally labeled the g-factor by Charles Spearman) include subjects with congenital or accidental brain damage who lose all functioning in one area that might ordinarily be considered to relate to intelligence e.g. speech, while retaining functionality in others. This would certainly not only suggest that intelligence is a group of cognitive processes, but that those processes are controlled by different parts of the brain.
In terms of the development of intelligence, there appears to be some fairly strong but qualified correlation between infant intelligence and intelligence through childhood or adulthood. Robert McCall and Michael Carriger carried out a "meta-analysis" of studies done on infant and childhood intelligence. Specifically they re-examined a number of studies on habituation and recognition memory in infants and the correlations between these two abilities and intelligence later in life. In brief, they found a high correlation (between 0.35 and 0.57) after certain provisos had been made to account for socio-economic standing of subjects, sample size. One important finding they made was that poor inheritance of intelligence and a poor environment had a high correlation with poor intelligence in mature individuals. (McCall & Carriger 1993).
Genetic factors are certainly important in the development of intelligence. Intuitively, a person is likely to share characteristics with their parents, and intelligence would appear to be one. However, McCall and Carriger suggested that the effect of poor inheritance may be more than compensated for by an "enriching" environment, that is one where the intellect is encouraged and able to develop. They quote a number of "at-risk" children (that is, children with below-average intellectual development due to an organic problem) who, when placed in families of higher socio-economic status, were fully capable of developing normal or even above average IQs (McCall and Carriger 1993).
As an aside to this discussion, it is important to note that the judging of an entire group by the abilities (or lack of abilities) of one member of that group may be unfair and dangerous. The poor scoring of Afro-Americans on modern IQ tests is far more likely to be a result of poor schooling and lower income than any genetic trait. Gleitman mentions examples of black children adopted by better-off white families whose IQs increased by fifteen points - evidence that environment does play an important role in the development of intelligence.
Another potentially important factor in intelligence is learning. The belief that cognitive tools are developed to deal with particular circumstances is widely held - consider that people train to become a specialist in a given field. Also consider that first-year university students are taught how to think critically (though some never learn). Adults with impaired intellectual functioning can be taught living strategies to compensate (Gleitman 1995). If a person can be taught how to think about a particular problem, can they be taught how to think about thinking itself? That is, can a person develop cognitive tools to allow them to develop better cognitive tools? And does a learnt skill in a given area amount to intelligence?
In closing, intelligence is very difficult to define and as such is difficult to test. Intelligence probably involves aspects of speed of information processing, memory (McCall & Carriger 1993, Hutton Wilding & Hudson, 1997), pattern recognition (such as distinguishing an unfamiliar object from a familiar one) and adaptability to new or unfamiliar situations (Sternberg 1994). Certainly intelligence is determined by a mixture of both heritage and environment - nature and nurture, rather than nature versus nurture. While some tests have been developed that give good correlations between infant and childhood intelligence, all of the factors involved in the development of intelligence are still unclear.
References
Gleitman, H. (1995) Psychology Fourth Edition. W.W. Norton & Company, New York.
Hutton, U, Wilding, J & Hudson, R. (1997) The role of attention in the relationship between inspection time and IQ in children. Intelligence, 24, 445-460
McCall, R.B. & Carriger, M.S. (1993) A meta-analysis of infant habituation and recognition memory performance as predictors of later IQ. Child Development 64, 57-79
Sternberg, R.J. (1994) Intelligence and cognitive styles, Companion Encyclopaedia of Psychology Volume 1. Edited by Andrew M. Colman. Routledge, London.
Smith, L, Dockrell, J, & Tomlinson, P (1997) Piaget, Vygotsky and beyond: future issues for developmental psychology and education. Routledge, London.
Bouchard Jr., T.J. Genetic and environmental influences on adult intelligence and special mental abilities. Human Biology April 1998 Vol. 70 pps 257-279
kinder können sich eben die eltern nicht heraussuchen.....
(und umgekehrt)
A brief discussion on the nature of intelligence; the difficulty in defining intelligence; the roles inheritance and environment play in the development in intelligence with particular reference to the work of Gleitman (1995) and McCall & Rossiger (1993).
Intelligence
Intelligence is a difficult thing to define. As Henry Gleitman points out, we tend to have an intuitive understanding of what intelligence is - we're capable of distinguishing smart people from dim people (Gleitman 1995). However a more concrete definition has yet to be agreed upon by the psychological community. This essay will focus on some indicators of intelligence, the development of intelligence in children and adults, and most importantly the roles inheritance and environment play in that development.
Most physical biological attributes of a population of living beings have a central tendency. That is, they have an average around which scores cluster, dropping off in frequency on either side. A good example of this is height and weight. Height is affected by a variety of variables including heritage, diet and general health. For example, a child whose parents are both tall may not necessarily grow up to be tall if he or she is not kept healthy and well fed. It may be that intelligence follows a similar pattern, one in which heritage and environment play key roles.
The extent to which heritage and environment affect the development of intelligence is unclear. It is generally agreed that both play some role (Gleitman 1995), however how these roles are weighted and at what stage of development each is most important is not clear. Mental testing of infants, children and adults may help to clarify these roles.
A common measure of intelligence is the Intelligence Quotient, or IQ test. Originally developed by Francis Galton and Theophile Simon it was designed to measure a child's mental advancement against the child's chronological age and the average advancement of other children. While it does give a reasonable picture of a child's current development, it may not be a useful tool for predicting the IQ of the child later in life. There are several reasons for this.
First is that the test itself can be culturally biased. Cultural considerations must be made when administering the test to someone who is not from the culture the test was originally written for. Poorer socio-economic groups, migrants and even people who are unfamiliar with tests in general may have difficulty gaining a score that truly reflects their intellectual ability.
Secondly, the original formula for calculating IQ - that of Mental Age over Chronological Age times one hundred - leads to a steady decline in IQ once an average level of mental development has been reached. Some simple weighting for age in the calculations can easily rectify this.
Thirdly, the test is not much use in determining the mental ability of subjects who display extraordinary ability in one field while possessing perfectly ordinary - or even retarded - development in others. One example is the so-called "idiot savant". While Galton and Simon's theory on intelligence originally explained it in terms of differing cognitive "tools", these distinctions do not come across in a test with a single number as the result (Gleitman 1995).
More evidence that intelligence may be more variable than a single underlying factor (originally labeled the g-factor by Charles Spearman) include subjects with congenital or accidental brain damage who lose all functioning in one area that might ordinarily be considered to relate to intelligence e.g. speech, while retaining functionality in others. This would certainly not only suggest that intelligence is a group of cognitive processes, but that those processes are controlled by different parts of the brain.
In terms of the development of intelligence, there appears to be some fairly strong but qualified correlation between infant intelligence and intelligence through childhood or adulthood. Robert McCall and Michael Carriger carried out a "meta-analysis" of studies done on infant and childhood intelligence. Specifically they re-examined a number of studies on habituation and recognition memory in infants and the correlations between these two abilities and intelligence later in life. In brief, they found a high correlation (between 0.35 and 0.57) after certain provisos had been made to account for socio-economic standing of subjects, sample size. One important finding they made was that poor inheritance of intelligence and a poor environment had a high correlation with poor intelligence in mature individuals. (McCall & Carriger 1993).
Genetic factors are certainly important in the development of intelligence. Intuitively, a person is likely to share characteristics with their parents, and intelligence would appear to be one. However, McCall and Carriger suggested that the effect of poor inheritance may be more than compensated for by an "enriching" environment, that is one where the intellect is encouraged and able to develop. They quote a number of "at-risk" children (that is, children with below-average intellectual development due to an organic problem) who, when placed in families of higher socio-economic status, were fully capable of developing normal or even above average IQs (McCall and Carriger 1993).
As an aside to this discussion, it is important to note that the judging of an entire group by the abilities (or lack of abilities) of one member of that group may be unfair and dangerous. The poor scoring of Afro-Americans on modern IQ tests is far more likely to be a result of poor schooling and lower income than any genetic trait. Gleitman mentions examples of black children adopted by better-off white families whose IQs increased by fifteen points - evidence that environment does play an important role in the development of intelligence.
Another potentially important factor in intelligence is learning. The belief that cognitive tools are developed to deal with particular circumstances is widely held - consider that people train to become a specialist in a given field. Also consider that first-year university students are taught how to think critically (though some never learn). Adults with impaired intellectual functioning can be taught living strategies to compensate (Gleitman 1995). If a person can be taught how to think about a particular problem, can they be taught how to think about thinking itself? That is, can a person develop cognitive tools to allow them to develop better cognitive tools? And does a learnt skill in a given area amount to intelligence?
In closing, intelligence is very difficult to define and as such is difficult to test. Intelligence probably involves aspects of speed of information processing, memory (McCall & Carriger 1993, Hutton Wilding & Hudson, 1997), pattern recognition (such as distinguishing an unfamiliar object from a familiar one) and adaptability to new or unfamiliar situations (Sternberg 1994). Certainly intelligence is determined by a mixture of both heritage and environment - nature and nurture, rather than nature versus nurture. While some tests have been developed that give good correlations between infant and childhood intelligence, all of the factors involved in the development of intelligence are still unclear.
References
Gleitman, H. (1995) Psychology Fourth Edition. W.W. Norton & Company, New York.
Hutton, U, Wilding, J & Hudson, R. (1997) The role of attention in the relationship between inspection time and IQ in children. Intelligence, 24, 445-460
McCall, R.B. & Carriger, M.S. (1993) A meta-analysis of infant habituation and recognition memory performance as predictors of later IQ. Child Development 64, 57-79
Sternberg, R.J. (1994) Intelligence and cognitive styles, Companion Encyclopaedia of Psychology Volume 1. Edited by Andrew M. Colman. Routledge, London.
Smith, L, Dockrell, J, & Tomlinson, P (1997) Piaget, Vygotsky and beyond: future issues for developmental psychology and education. Routledge, London.
Bouchard Jr., T.J. Genetic and environmental influences on adult intelligence and special mental abilities. Human Biology April 1998 Vol. 70 pps 257-279
dass das von der Definition von "Dumm" abhängig ist.
Wie will man feststellen, ob ein Kind dumm ist... sicherlich gibt es vergleichswerte dennoch auch immer wieder Abweichungen von diesen Werten.
Insgesamt haben intelligente Eltern einfach wesentlich mehr potentielle Kenntnisse über eine "pädagogisch" wertvolle Erziehung und sei es dass sinnvolles Spielzeug ausgewählt wird. In der späteren Entwicklung können Eltern die aufgrund besserer Einkommenverhältnisse (höher gebildete bekommen im Durschschnitt einfach besser bezahlte Jobs) natürlich ihr Kind anders fördern als Eltern die dies aufgrund geringeren Einkommens nicht so vielseitig tun können.
"Dummheit" wird sich so wohl minimieren lassen - zumindest aber nicht gefördert werden.
Wie will man feststellen, ob ein Kind dumm ist... sicherlich gibt es vergleichswerte dennoch auch immer wieder Abweichungen von diesen Werten.
Insgesamt haben intelligente Eltern einfach wesentlich mehr potentielle Kenntnisse über eine "pädagogisch" wertvolle Erziehung und sei es dass sinnvolles Spielzeug ausgewählt wird. In der späteren Entwicklung können Eltern die aufgrund besserer Einkommenverhältnisse (höher gebildete bekommen im Durschschnitt einfach besser bezahlte Jobs) natürlich ihr Kind anders fördern als Eltern die dies aufgrund geringeren Einkommens nicht so vielseitig tun können.
"Dummheit" wird sich so wohl minimieren lassen - zumindest aber nicht gefördert werden.
